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, , : . . , , , 1939 , , , . , . , . . , . . 1944 . . , , ( 20 ) . , . , . , . , , . . , . . . , - , , , , , 38, 66 . . - - , : . , . - , 56% , - Polonia. 52% , , , . 69% , . , , . , , . , , , . , , - , , , . , . ?
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, , , . , : , , ... , . 1993 , 1991-, . - , , . . - . . , , . , . , , XXI : , - , . . , . , , , , . , , . , . , - , , ? , , , , , , , ? . , . ? , . ?
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Curriculum vitae
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, XIX-XX . . .
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The highlights of the June edition of Politichesky Klass
administration. Russian analysts mainly wrote about the new structure of power, noting that although it has become clear that Vladimir Putin will not be
a technical prime minister, Dmitry Medvedev does not look like a figurehead president either.
Political analyst Pavel Salin writes that the
transformation of power in the past few months has demonstrated continuity in staff and politics. At the same time, it has become apparent that the policy of the past few years will change, with the countrys two top leaders
coordinating modernisation of its individual elements.
The transformation was relatively painless, but there are now two key potential threats to internal political stability. The first, objective, threat is related to inflation and can undermine the silent agreement between the elites and
society. The second threat is imbedded in the potential desire of some groups of influence, dissatisfied with their current position, to revive mass politics and use it to make the authorities review the current structure of power.
Journalist Stanislav Vasilyev analyses the destructive role of the Russian intelligentsia in the past two
centuries. He blames it for Russias civilisation flops
precipitated by crises in motives and meaning, which
are formulated above all by the intelligentsia.
Political and economic analyst Karen Markaryan ponders the possibility of restructuring Russias political and social environment on corporate grounds. He believes this should help to privatise the state, confiscating it from bureaucrats who now view it as their property. This should produce corporate transparency of relations between society and the authorities. The state will remain an unofficial co-owner of all the enterprises even after its privatisation, with the people, who are the masters of the state,
also becoming co-owners of all the enterprises.
Political analyst Alexander Fomenko writes that the accession of East European countries to the EU and NATO is the best method of diluting Europes liberal
atheistic identity. The policy of Euro-Slavism is the only way to rehabilitate the cultural and historical world of the Old (Christian) Europe gravely undermined by all kinds of revolutions, from the Great French Revolution of 1789-1799 to the recent research and technological revolution.
Economist Arkady Porunov analyses the tasks facing Russia in a situation of growing global competition for hydrocarbons. First, it must pinpoint its most dynamic potential rivals in the Eurasian and global energy markets, who can engineer a crucial change in the lineup of forces, and also discern their goals and possible consequences of their attainment. Second, it must determine market players vital for preserving its competitive advantage, whose very existence or position could prod Russias rivals into activity or provoke the destabilisation of the energy market or some of its
sectors. And third, it must formulate a competitive strategy to ensure national security and uphold national interests.
Historian Sergei Sergeyev has proposed a new table of periods of the Russian national movement from the 1960s to this day. In his opinion, the Russian question, based on the rediscovered Russian religious philosophy, dominated
intellectual quest from the 1960s to the end of the 1980s.
The Eurasian mentality of the 1990s, which played with different concepts of social and political knowledge, almost drowned the Russian question in leftist/rightist imperial haughtiness. The Russianism of the early 21st century has revived the Russian question as the key issue, taking over and augmenting the analytical instruments from the previous wave.
Alexander Yusupovsky contributed the last part of
his article on information warfare methods that falsify history or offer a biased view of the past. This part of the article is focused on monuments as historical reminders and markers, and on their place in the current ideological
confrontation between Russia and the West.
Writer Sergei Belkin sums up his deliberations about the norms of modern morals in a second part
of his article. He claims that Russia can and must formulate and apply a doctrine of a moral society resting on the
foundations of a moral economy whose basic principle
is not profit, but satisfaction of reasonable requirements coordinated with the possibilities of Nature.
This issue ends with the traditional ratings of Russias top politicians today and ten years ago.
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